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Digging Deeper: The Mirror of Expectations
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11-09-2011, 08:00 AM
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Digging Deeper: The Mirror of Expectations
Last spring I got into trouble when I said Democrats have an image problem. A minor fervor rushed to let me know I had overlooked the obvious: Democrats stood for higher paychecks, protecting the air and water we breathe and drink, the dignity of all people, unconditional help if you are sick, and for each child, the joy of learning and a safe home. Democrats join freedom hands with people around the world.But I didn't say platform issues, did I? I said “image problem.” Reflect further: are these objectives the real image of the party? Or did these lauded ideals get turned around somehow into an image rewrite that says Democrats have a collective desire for higher taxes, redistributed wealth, laziness, sloth, hand-outs, and socialism? Isn't it time to talk about the disconnect between these two? After all, everybody agrees Republicans are mean. The debate over them isn't over image: it's over whether meanness has benefits. But Democratic image and policy is folded into a large national debate over the sage wisdom of Talcott Parsons and John Maynard Keynes. The Democratic image disconnect is a Talcott Parsons problem (the Harvard sociologist was hard to understand, and even when you did, he didn't make any sense!). A huge disconnect lingers within grassroots politics, in the homes and hallway conversations where groups of two or three nod in knowing agreement with short-form slander and lies. The President is a Kenyan. We are on the brink of communism. We are mortgaging our children. China owns us. And this year's emerging big lie, the President is gay; a direct attack on his family. This one recently made CSPAN. (I first heard it in the last days of the 2008 election cycle and am surprised to hear it return.) Image is about a source code that 1) influences and affirms social action, and 2) makes action itself a part of the code of values. Part of the Democratic image problem is a blind spot about how communities shape political narratives internally. Messaging and image are very different. Facts and stats no longer win the day! The image took down Russ Feingold for example, not the message. Image internally is a cultural code wired to the way we “get” things, the snap judgement part of us, a double helix of action and ideas. It's the mien of our national manners — all those ruthless commercials pitting children and parents, especially the one that has the mom and dad turning pet gold-fish into sushi — which I find so appalling. This was Talcott's sphere, how the parts of our lives and the whole interrelated, how the process of how we adapt and the goals we set turns into a constellation of roles and ideas. (Parsons would probably call my idea of image a latent “pattern maintenance subsystem,” an “imperative” of maintaining stability.) I agree with Talcott, it's the deep part of what we take for granted, what a friend of mine calls, “the quantum of being.” Image is how we respond to a huge hidden existential fact — one I think Talcott got right: even as progress and prosperity expand, society is always in a state of conflict, passage and breakdown. Republicans have tied their image to the faith that they can arrest this passage. That's an attractive deal for a lot of people who live in fear. Barack on the stump attacked this folly in his best speech, by a litany of historical moments where we said as a nation, “Yes, we can.” We can, he asserts, enjoy the nectar, reap the harvest, and don't have to settle for sour grapes. Image is, at its base, social action. Barack used it skillfully last cycle. Republicans hammered heavily, but the old images of black fear didn't stick. But the old images of Democrats do. How did a chicken in every pot become associated with egregious freeloading? How did unemployment help turn into a free ride? How did corporate greed turn into a government mandate? How did private guilt become public blame? How do Democrats turn their message into a publicly embraced identity? It's time for the mirror of hard assessment. The mocking disdain I often see in comments isn't enough to win votes or support. It's too easily reframed as whining. The Republicans are yelling “failed” and promising to inflict even greater hurt on the nation if Barack wins a second term. That scares the grass roots and tamps down his support. But Democrats might find hope in the Occupy movement. It quickly resonated worldwide and inoculated itself against belittling labels. What is instructive, the Occupy movement started at the other end: image forged its action; Occupy's process was and is more important than its goals. It is telling that the first pronounced attacks on Occupy literally tried to seize and define its image. Hippies, free sex and drugs appeared in sepia clips while the media embargoed the fact that the movement acted to bring attention to the gross unfairness of a financial system that produces nothing, gobbles up wealth, and perversely pretends to have amnesty on the twin frauds of being indispensable and untouchable. Occupy acted to put a public face on pain and had the courage to stand for change. Everybody quickly got in and produced amazing waves of crowds around the world. Daily, Occupy images new ways to resist and connect. Defying definition and the old order, the Occupy action is establishing a community image that refuses to be defined by cubbyholes and boundaries or even demands. As the old order is screaming and foaming for the code, Occupy is re-writing the code as an open platform; how else would the app generation organize? Its spontaneity recognizes how action is the strength of image. I mean haven't you at least once these days felt the urge to burst out, “mike check”? So Democrats need to get untracked. “Mike check!” If a movement still forming its first action steps inspires the world, a seasoned party that produced the most historic election winner in a millenium can find a way to celebrate its unparalleled achievement. The new goal is celebration: Democrats need people dancing in the streets for Barack's effective use of “the power of the small.” Look around. His little steps did giant things. The country did not fall apart, even as times are tight, and a new spirit is the natural mystic. As the brilliant revolutionary Amilcar Cabral, (who once admonished, “claim no easy victories”), pointed out, “a people who free themselves from domination must never underestimate their positive contributions.” Cabral went on to say: Listen to the Republican rhetoric: how they treat Barack is how they will treat us. Watch our example, for how we act is what we think of our history and ourselves. While the image whisperers suggest candidates are running away from the President, in some ways the President is running away from the image of the Party. He's working hard to change what we see. The more we help him, the more we reconnect. Let's show the world what we truly stand for. In a WPA narrative of Charleston's (SC) jubilee, a woman born before the civil war was eerily prescient of Cabral. She tells the interviewer her life was “no flowerbed of ease.” But she didn't give up. Victory is always difficult. The opposition uses success against the winners. So tend the flowerbed of the “pattern maintenance subsystem” and remember how “stony the road we trod.” The more we help Barack and embrace our image through action, the more we help ourselves. |
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